1.美国国会图书馆遴选出一份“塑造美国的88本书”书单，列举了由美国作家所著、对美国社会有影响力的88部书籍，体现出的是一个“美国精神”的形成过程，对于国家民族的认同具有非凡意义，并且不会因为时代变迁而被替代；《美国语文读本》位列其一，足见它经久不衰的魅力与非凡的影响力。
  2.纯粹的美德读本，纯正的美语阅读，经典的美式教育，这是一本影响了美国五代人的经典课本，了解美国，从启蒙读本开始。
  3.总销量达到1.22亿册的全美通用教科书，被《时代周刊》评为“人类出版史上第三大畅销书”，它推动了美国教育事业的发展，影响了美国伦理道德的形成，反映并改变了“美国梦”和美国精神的轨迹。
  4.出版过程中，作为编辑，我们也都被这套堪称“纯正的美语教材与纯粹的美德读本”所深深吸引。编辑过程中，“纯粹”，“精彩”等等不断蹦出脑海，我们恨不能马上就将它双手呈给父母们，老师们，孩子们，希望与你们分享这寓教于乐的经典读本。
  内容推荐
  　《塑造美国的88本书：美国语文读本》是一套出版以来，总销量达到1.22亿册的教科书，一套有超过10000多个美国学校使用的启蒙读本，一套培养精英的私立学校和家庭私塾偏爱的课本。它是美国最畅销的语文课本，被《时代周刊》评为“人类出版史上第三大畅销书”。与《韦氏词典》携手，它为正规英语拼写奠定了基础，在一定程度上打造了美语语法。汽车大亨福特鼎力支持的不朽经典，它不但反映了“美国梦”和美国精神，更是改变了它们的轨迹，塑造了整整五代美国人的精神世界。手握《美国语文读本》，品味美利坚。
  　　此套读本的英文原版共分7级，包括启蒙读本和第1-6册。考虑到启蒙读本与第一级篇幅都较少，难易程度接近，于是我们将之合并为第1册。因此，国内出版的这套读本共包括6册。
  作者简介
   威廉·H·麦加菲，教育家，教育理论先驱，俄亥俄大学校长。麦加菲为美国教育做出了巨大贡献，他首创了由易至难的教科书编写体系，并提出了在当时独具一格的教学方法，比如，他提倡学生大声朗读课文；再如，课文不应只传授知识，应同时传递某种思想、某项美德；又如，提倡用重复的方法帮助学生记忆。这些方法为美国现代教育奠定了基础。
  　　麦加菲的一生都在为改善美国教育奔走呼吁，为纪念他为教科书领域所做出的杰出贡献，美国全国教科书大奖被命名为“威廉·麦加菲历久弥新奖”。
  
  目录
  《美国语文读本1》
  《美国语文读本2》
  《美国语文读本3》
  《美国语文读本4》
  《美国语文读本5》
  《美国语文读本6》
  前言
  编者的话
  　　1910年，年仅19岁的胡适考取“庚子赔款”第二期官费生赴美留学，就读于康奈尔大学。偶遇美国小学新生开学，胡适难抑好奇跑去旁听，内心受到极大震动。美国启蒙第一课只有一个内容，便是令全体学生宣读誓词：“我保证善用我的思辨才能；我保证发展我独立的思想；我保证接受教育，从而使自己能够独立判断。”正是这段誓词，让胡适深刻体会到：美国之所以成为美国，全在于其“独立之精神，自由之思想”，而这一理念成了胡适先生一生坚守的信念。
  　　美国，距其建国不过200余年，却已是世界强国。我们不禁要问：这个民族，究竟是如何在这么短的时间内做到经济上飞速发达，政治上游刃有余的？更为重要的是，它如何将这关系国本的“思想与精神”赋予它的民众，令他们秉持信仰，坚守信念？
  　　2012年5月，美国馆藏量最大、历史最悠久的国会图书馆遴选出88部对美国社会最具影响力的书籍，定名为“塑造美国的书”（Books That Shaped America）。《飘》、《
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   《美国语文读本》是对我的少年时期影响至深的一套书。我至今可以大段背诵书中的内容。
  　　——亨利·福特
  
  　　这套书不仅影响了美国的教育事业，也影响了美国的伦理道德。诚如历史学家孔玛格所言：“它们为美国儿童提供了当今明显缺乏的东西，即普遍的引喻知识、普遍的经验和自制意识。”
  　　——选自《大美百科全书》
  在线试读部分章节
   LESSON 64
  　　SUPPOSED SPEECH OF JOHN ADAMS
  　　约翰·亚当斯的假想演说
  　　Daniel Webster (b. 1782, d. 1852) was born in Salisbury, N.H. He spent a few months of his boyhood at Phillips Academy, Exeter, but fitted for college under Rev. Samuel Wood, of Boscawen, N.H. He graduated from Dartmouth College in 1801. He taught school several terms, during and after his college course. In 1805, he was admitted to the bar in Boston, and practiced law in New Hampshire for the succeeding eleven years. In 1812, he was elected to the United States House of Representatives. In 1816, he removed to Boston, and in 1827 was elected to the United States Senate, which position he held for twelve years. In 1841, he was appointed Secretary of State. He returned to the Senate in 1845. In 1850, he was reappointed Secretary of State and continued in office until his death. He died at his residence, in Marshfield, Mass. Mr. Webster’s fame rests chiefly on his state papers and speeches. As a speaker he was dignified and stately, using clear, pure English. During all his life he took great interest in agriculture, and was very fond of outdoor sports.
  　　1. Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that, in the beginning, we aimed not at independence. But
  　　“There’s a divinity that shapes our ends.”
  　　The injustice of England has driven us to arms; and blinded to her own interest, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. Why then should we defer the declaration· Is any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation① with England, which shall leave either safety to the country and its liberties, or security to his own life and his own honor! Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our venerable colleague②, near you, are you not both already the proscribed③ and predestined④ objects of punishment and of vengeance· Cut off from all hope of royal clemency⑤, what are you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws·
  　　2. If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up, the war· Do we mean to submit, and consent that we shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust· I know we do not mean to submit. We NEVER shall submit! Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when, putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him in every extremity with our fortunes and our lives· I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle① of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself, having twelve months ago, in this place, moved you that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces raised, or to be raised, for the defense of American liberty; may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him.
  　　3. The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off the Declaration of Independence· That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. Nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things, which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy② to her rebellious subjects. The former, she would regard as the result of fortune; the latter, she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why, then, do we not change this from a civil to a national war· And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory.
  　　4. If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people—the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies; and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their hearts, and can not be eradicated③. Sir, the Declaration of Independence will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for the restoration of privileges, for redress④ of grievances, for chartered⑤ immunities⑥, held under a British king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the spirit of life.
  　　5. Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn, and the solemn vow uttered to maintain it, or perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling around it, resolved to stand with it or fall with it. Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them see it who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.
  　　【中文阅读】
  　　丹尼尔·韦伯斯特（1782—1852）出生于美国新罕布什尔州索尔茨伯里。年少时，他在埃克塞特的菲利普斯学院学习了数月，但很快被认为资质优异，转到新罕布什尔州博斯科恩牧师塞缪尔·伍德门下学习。 1801年，韦伯斯特毕业于达特茅斯学院。在他就学期间，他便在学院里任教，毕业后又教了几个学期。 1805年，他获得波士顿律师资格，并开始在新罕布什尔州执业，长达十一年。 1812年，韦伯斯特当选为美国众议院议员。 1816年，他迁往波士顿，并于1827年当选为美国参议院议员，任职十二年。 1841年，韦伯斯特被任命为美国国务卿。 1845年，他重新回到参议院。 1850年，他再度被任命为国务卿，继续驰骋美国政坛，直到在马萨诸塞州马什菲尔德的住所里去世。韦伯斯特先生的政府公文与演讲为他博得了崇高声望。作为一个演讲者，他的演讲风格庄重，气势恢弘，语言清晰纯正。韦伯斯特一生对务农有强烈兴趣，酷爱户外运动。
  　　1. 沉沦抑或求生，活着抑或死亡，幸存抑或毁灭？我全身心地支持这一投票表决。诚然，战争刚开始时，我们并不是为谋取独立而战，但是，
  　　上帝，已决定了我们的宿命。
  　　英国的不公平对待，驱使我们拿起武器。英国被自身利益蒙蔽了双眼，始终负隅顽抗，直到最终我们将独立掌控在自己手中。我们尽力争取自由，现在，它已属于我们。那么，我们为什么要延迟发表这份独立宣言？难道现在还有人如此软弱，希望与英国和解？难道和解能为这个国家带来安全与自由，抑或给他生活带来保障甚至个人荣耀？这位坐在椅子上的主席先生，还有您身旁那位受人尊重的同僚，我们难道不都是已被剥夺公权，命中注定沦为惩罚与复仇的对象？摒弃那些高尚以及仁慈宽容的所有希望，一旦英国统治权威得以保留，那我们除了是法外之徒，还能是什么？我们还能成为什么？
  　　2. 如果我们推迟独立，那么我们是打算继续还是放弃这场战争？难道我们打算投降，同意被继续压制，并让我们的国家主权和人民权利被践踏成灰吗？我相信，我们并不打算投降，我们永远不会投降！我们曾在上帝面前宣誓，不管在任何危难中，都要追随华盛顿总统，即使要倾尽家产或为之浴血牺牲。难道我们竟试图违背这个人类有史以来做出的最神圣的誓言，令他蒙受战争危险以及深陷当下的政治时局？我深知，在座的各位宁愿看到战火席卷这片土地，或是突如其来的地震令它坍塌，也不愿抛弃曾经的誓约，哪怕最微小的背信弃义。对我来说，一年前，就在这个地方，我投票通过动议，任命乔治·华盛顿为美国独立战争的最高指挥官。现在，如果我对是否支持他有所动摇或踌躇，愿我的右手受到诅咒，愿我的舌头从此贴着上颚，再也说不出话！
  　　3. 因此，这场战争必须继续，我们必须继续打下去。既然战争要打下去，那么，我们为什么要推迟发表《独立宣言》？昭示天下只会增强我们的力量，并赋予我们面向外界的能力。只有当我们将自己视为抗击侵犯我们主权的敌人的主体时，其他国家才会这样看待我们。是的，我相信，如果是以独立的名义，而不是以废除英国法案的名义逼他们承认对我们施加的所有行为始终缺乏公平正义且残忍暴虐，那么，英国也会更愿意与我们协商和谈。承认我们独立，比起屈服于反叛者的观点，更能维护大英帝国的颜面。因为，如果是前者，英国会将战败视为运气；但如果是后者，战败则会让英国深感耻辱。既然如此，我们为何不将这场战争从一场内战转变为民族之战？既然这场战争必须打下去，我们为何不转变角度，如果我们取得胜利，为什么不愿完全享受到胜利带来的喜悦？
  　　4. 如果我们失败了，这对我们来说是最糟糕的境况。但是，我们绝不会失败。在“独立”的旗帜下，军队会被兴建起来，海军也会被组建起来。人民！如果我们真心对待人民，他们便会支持我们，因为这也正是在支持他们自己，通过这场战争光荣地支持他们自己！我不介意有些人总是善变无常。我了解这些殖民地的人民，我清楚，他们对英国侵略者的刻骨仇恨深深扎根于他们的内心，永不消除。先生们，《独立宣言》将鼓舞人民增强战斗的勇气。这场漫长而血腥的战争，并非旨在恢复某些人的特权，并非为平反某些冤情，并非为获取英国国王赐予的特许豁免权——摆在人民面前的，是一项彻底独立的宏图大业！这必然能为他们注入崭新的生命。
  　　5. 在整个军队面前宣读这份宣言吧！每个人都会拔出长剑，庄严宣誓为之而战，或是带着荣耀而死。在教堂的讲道台上公示出这份宣言吧！教会将认可它，对宗教自由的信仰将与这份宣言密切相连，并与它同荣辱，共存亡。在公众场合发出这份宣言吧！在那里宣示出我们的信念，让那些曾经在邦克山的田野里、列克星敦和康科德的街道上目睹自己的兄弟或儿子倒下的民众看到，他们必将发出支持独立宣言的坚定吼声。
  　　……